Bio/grafías of the Coca Plant (2018) 50 x 70 cm. Colored pencil drawing on tinted cardboard.
A review of the initial status of the coca plant in the colonies and the role it has historically played for the colonised. A plant that was prohibited, demonized, taxed, exploited for European scientific research during the colonial era, commercialized from 1860s-1920s, and banned from the open market in the mid-20th century. A plant that is a commercial crop caught up in a cynical dynamic of international exportation: trapped between the mass consumption of the illegal recreational drug trade and the mass consumption of the legal Coca-Cola trade. Throughout all these changes, what remains are the complex dimensions that the coca plant plays in Andean societies. The impact of the persecution of the plant in Latin America makes redrawing its history important.
In this sense, this is an attempt to redraw the history of the coca plant from an Andean perspective, reviewing the history of its status in its place of origin and how it intertwines with the history of Andean peoples. Initially prohibited by the Spaniard colonizers, it passed on to be taxed during colonial times, and then researched by scientists in modern times. Commercialized in international markets in the early 20th century, it was banned from open markets in the mid 20th century. The coca plant was a cash crop inserted in a double dynamic of international exportation: entangled in the mass consumption of the illegal recreational drug business, and the mass consumption of a legal commerce. Throughout the changes in its status, what remains is the complex dimensions that the coca plant plays in Andean societies. And with that the possibility to ask for the plant's own purpose and perspective.
Coca (Erythroxylum coca var. coca) grows along the Andes. The seeds of the plant are sown naturally by birds that each the ripe drupes from the bush and excrete the seeds undigested. In the Andes, this variety is propagated almost exclusively from seeds (Plowman 1979b,46). Coca seeds become infertile when they dry (normal after three days). (…) From the time of planting, a period of some eighteen months is necessary before the first leaves can be harvested. A bush produce for twenty to thirty years. (…) The plant is not disturbed by the removal of almost all of its leaves. If the leaves aren’t harvested, the bush will grown into a proper tree. The leaves of these coca trees are almost devoid of effects. (...)The Amazonian coca bush is pruned to a height of about 1.5 meters. Suche bushes are known as ilyimera, “little birds.” Amazonian coca is propagated solely through cuttings, as this variety does not produce viable seeds (Plowman 1979b, 46f.)”
Medicinally, coca is used for pains of all types, neuralgia, rheumatism, colds flu, digestive problems, constitpation, colic, upset stomachs, altitutde sickness, exhaustion and state of weakness and to ease labor (Quijada, Jara 1982, 35 ff.). Coca leaves are burned or smoke to treat bronchitis, asthma, and coughs (Morton 1977, 180*). (...) The tea is effective both therapeutically and as a preventative for soroche (Sarpa and Aimi 1985; Schneider 1993, 19*). Although once official, coca leaves are no longer used in European medicine. The only medical use occurs in homeopathic medicine, where the agent Erythroxylon coca him. HPUS88 is produced by macerating fresh or dried leave (Lindequist 1993, 96).
The fresh leaves in particular contain an essential oil as well as flavonoids (ruin, quercitrin, isoquercitrin), tanning agents vitamins (A, B, C), protein, fat, and large amounts of minerales, especially calcium and iron. Approximately 100 g of coca leaves suffice to provide the recommended daily dose of all important mineral and vitamins (Duke et al. 1975). Both fresh as well as dried leaves posses good nutritional value (305 calories per 100g)–which is why Andean peoples regard coca as food.
Within its effects when consumed by humans, coca chewing has a regulating effect upon blood sugar levels (Burchard 1975). Coca chewing counteracts the stresses associated with high altitudes and appears to improv oxygen absorption in the thin mountain air (Bitttmann 1983; Bolton 1979; Bray and Dollery 1983). The nutritional value of coca leaves is higher in the dorms in which Amazonian coca is prepared and typically ingested in the region (where everything is swallowed) Schultes 1980, 52))
Precolonial Use in Abya Yala
The earliest traces of coca use has been found in Huaca Prieta (2500 – 1800 BC) in the northern coast of Peru. Proofs of the social importance of the plant are the representation of chewing in many precolonial ceramics, as well as the finding of tools for this practice in ceremonial sites. Coca was cultivated and used in a similar fashion as it is today since at least 3000 years ago. The oldest archeological evidence of coca chewing is approximately of 3000 years B.C.E.
Colonization and the Trip from Coca to Cocaine
When the Spanish arrived in South America, they encountered claims that coca gave the locals strength and energy. After confirming these claims as true, they taxed the leaf, taking 10% off the value of each crop. Yet in parallel the colonizers started to build a narrative of demonization of coca use while sometimes describing as well its positive qualities.
In 1569, Nicolás Monardes described the practice of the natives of chewing a mixture of tobacco and coca leaves to induce “great contentment”: "When they wished to make themselves drunk and out of judgment they chewed a mixture of tobacco and coca leaves which make them go as they were out of their wit".
In 1609, Padre Blas Valera wrote: "Coca protects the body from many ailments, and our doctors use it in powdered form to reduce the swelling of wounds, to strengthen broken bones, to expel cold from the body or prevent it from entering, and to cure rotten wounds or sores that are full of maggots. And if it does so much for outward ailments, will not its singular virtue have even greater effect in the entrails of those who eat it?"
The 16th-Century Orthodox Catholic artist, Don Diego De Robles, wrote that "Coca is a plant that the devil invented for the total destruction of the natives."
The indigenous writer Guaman Poma de Ayala writes between 1600-1615 that coca was made a form of payment by the Spaniards during colonial times.
The birth of Erythroxylum coca
In 1771 a batch of the coca plant is sent to Europe via the french scientist Joseph de Jussieu. Jean-Baptiste Pierre Antoine de Monet de Lamarck described and classified the genus of the plant in 1786 using Linnaeus' system as Erythroxylum coca. Erythros meaning red in Greek and Xylon meaning wood, but refering to the xylem or transport tissue of vascular plants. Known mostly by the vibrant greeness of its leaves, the plant blossoms white flowers and matures into red berries. The second part of the name Erythroxylum coca is derived from kuka, the name of the plant in Aymara and Quechua, which means “tree” or "plant". This descriptor is undoubtedly an expression of the significance of the plant in the Andes.
In 1771 a batch of the coca plant is sent to Europe via the french scientist Joseph de Jussieu. Jean-Baptiste Pierre Antoine de Monet de Lamarck described and classified the genus of the plant in 1786 using Linnaeus' system as Erythroxylum coca. Erythros meaning red in Greek and Xylon meaning wood, but refering to the xylem or transport tissue of vascular plants. Known mostly by the vibrant greeness of its leaves, the plant blossoms white flowers and matures into red berries. The second part of the name Erythroxylum coca is derived from kuka, the name of the plant in Aymara and Quechua, which means “tree” or "plant". This descriptor is undoubtedly an expression of the significance of the plant in the Andes.
The swiss naturalist Jakob Von Tschudi (1818-1889), who was also the first European to observe and report the use of angel’s trumpet (Brugmansia sanguine) provided a very thorough description of the Andean use of coca that still applies today: “I myself used coca over a period of eight years during my work with the indians of the Amazon, and I have never found it harmful, not to mention addictive.” Richard Evan Schultes “Coca in the Northwest Amazon” (1980, 53).
Scientific Research: Isolation of Cocaine
The cocaine alkaloid was first isolated by the German chemist Friedrich Gaedcke in 1855. Gaedcke named the alkaloid “erythroxyline”, and published a description in the journal Archiv der Pharmazie.
In 1856, Friedrich Wöhler asked Dr. Carl Scherzer, a scientist aboard the Novara Austrian frigate (sent by Emperor Franz Joseph to circle the globe), to bring him a large amount of coca leaves from South America.
The cocaine alkaloid was first isolated by the German chemist Friedrich Gaedcke in 1855. Gaedcke named the alkaloid “erythroxyline”, and published a description in the journal Archiv der Pharmazie.
In 1856, Friedrich Wöhler asked Dr. Carl Scherzer, a scientist aboard the Novara Austrian frigate (sent by Emperor Franz Joseph to circle the globe), to bring him a large amount of coca leaves from South America.
The Novara Expedition (1857–1859) was the first large-scale scientific, around-the-world mission of the Austrian Imperial war navy. The journey lasted 2 years 3 months, from 30 April 1857 until 30 August 1859. The Austro-Hungarian frigate SMS Novara had been renamed after the Battle of Novara, following the Austrians’ retaking of Venice. The circumnavigation of the earth from April 1857 through August 1859 by the Novara was one of the most important journeys for what became the Naturhistorisches Museum in Vienna. A number of eminent natural scientists joined the voyage, including Georg Ritter von Frauenfeld, curator in the invertebrate department of the Imperial museums. The material collected during the expedition was voluminous and continues to be examined and published by prominent scientists up until the present time.
In 1859, the ship finished its travels and Wöhler received a trunk full of coca. Wöhler passed on the leaves to Albert Niemann, a Ph.D. student at the University of Göttingen in Germany, who then developed an improved purification process.
The expedition was accomplished under the command of Kommodore Bernhard von Wüllerstorf-Urbair, with 345 officers and crew, plus 7 scientists aboard. Preparation for the research journey was made by the “Imperial Academy of Sciences in Vienna” and by specialized scholars under direction of the geologist Ferdinand von Hochstetter and the zoologist Georg von Frauenfeld. The collections of botanical, zoological (26,000 preparations), and cultural material brought back enriched the Austrian museums (especially the natural-history museum). They were also studied by Johann Natterer, a scientist who collected Vienna museum specimens during 18 years in South America. The oceanographic research, in particular in the South Pacific, revolutionized oceanography and hydrography.
The Novara-Expedition report included a drawing of the frigate SMS Novara surrounded by an oval border with the names of locations visited: Gibraltar, Madeira, Rio de Janeiro, Cape Town, St. Paul island, Ceylon, Madras, Nicobar Islands, Singapore, Batavia, Manila, Hong Kong, Shanghai, Puynipet island, Stuarts, Sydney (5 November 1858), Auckland, Tahiti, Valparaíso, Gravosa, and Triest (returning on 26 August 1859).
The expedition was accomplished under the command of Kommodore Bernhard von Wüllerstorf-Urbair, with 345 officers and crew, plus 7 scientists aboard. Preparation for the research journey was made by the “Imperial Academy of Sciences in Vienna” and by specialized scholars under direction of the geologist Ferdinand von Hochstetter and the zoologist Georg von Frauenfeld. The collections of botanical, zoological (26,000 preparations), and cultural material brought back enriched the Austrian museums (especially the natural-history museum). They were also studied by Johann Natterer, a scientist who collected Vienna museum specimens during 18 years in South America. The oceanographic research, in particular in the South Pacific, revolutionized oceanography and hydrography.
The Novara-Expedition report included a drawing of the frigate SMS Novara surrounded by an oval border with the names of locations visited: Gibraltar, Madeira, Rio de Janeiro, Cape Town, St. Paul island, Ceylon, Madras, Nicobar Islands, Singapore, Batavia, Manila, Hong Kong, Shanghai, Puynipet island, Stuarts, Sydney (5 November 1858), Auckland, Tahiti, Valparaíso, Gravosa, and Triest (returning on 26 August 1859).
Approximately 30.000 copies of Karl von Scherzer’s book on the circumnavigation of the world of the frigate “Novara” were sold, a huge number in that era. It is considered the second most successful popular scientific work in the German language in the 19th century; second only to Alexander von Humbold’s 5-volumes ‘Kosmos’. An English edition was published shortly after, printed by Saunders, Otley and Co. in London in three volumes 1861-1863, containing more than 1200 pages. The complete title of the book is: Karl von Scherzer: “Narrative of the Circumnavigation of the Globe by the Austrian Frigate “Novara” (B. von Wullersdorf-Urbair,) Undertaken by Order of the Imperial Government, Under the Immediate Auspices of His I. and R. Highness the Archduke Ferdinand Maximilian, Commander in-Chief of the Austrian Navy.”
Europe's research of Cocaine
In the following decades cocaine was dully researched by German, Austrian, Italian, and French scientists who explored its qualities and medicinal potentials. These parallel experiments throughout Europe translated in cocaine being recommended and used for many ailments by a large number of chemists and doctors. This also meant the amplification of its commercial uses in tonics and drinks and as medicine produced by pharmaceutical companies.
In 1863 the Italian chemist Angelo Mariani inspired by the work of the Italian doctor Paolo De Mantezaga “The hygienic and medicinal virtue of coca,” managed to create a drink made with coca leaves and wine. This drink called “Mariani Wine”, was used as “a medicinal tonic and uplifted the morale of the depressed, could cure almost any physical disorder; it was recommended for impotence, fever, gout, insomnia and almost all infectious and neurological diseases.” 'Vin Mariani' was a French coca wine made with Bordeaux wine and coca leaves. Various personalities used it and recommended the beverage including: Queen Victoria, Jules Verne, Thomas Alva Edison, Sarah Bernhardt, Émile Zola, the Tsar of Russia and Alexander Dumas. Pope Leo XIII granted Mariani a gold medal in recognition of his work for humanity. By the end of the 1800's, coca leaves and one its alkaloids, cocaine, counted with the support of political, economic, religious, and artistic figures.
By 1879 cocaine began to be used to treat morphine addiction. Cocaine was introduced into clinical use as a local anesthetic in Germany in 1884, about the same time as Sigmund Freud published his work Über Coca, in which he wrote that cocaine causes: “Exhilaration and lasting euphoria, which in no way differs from the normal euphoria of the healthy person. You perceive an increase of self-control and possess more vitality and capacity for work. In other words, you are simply normal, and it is soon hard to believe you are under the influence of any drug. Long intensive physical work is performed without any fatigue. This result is enjoyed without any of the unpleasant after-effects that follow exhilaration brought about by alcohol. Absolutely no craving for the further use of cocaine appears after the first, or even after repeated taking of the drug.”
By 1885 the U.S. manufacturer Parke-Davis sold cocaine in various forms, including cigarettes, powder, and even a cocaine mixture that could be injected directly into the user’s veins with the included needle. The company promised that its cocaine products would “supply the place of food, make the coward brave, the silent eloquent and render the sufferer insensitive to pain.”
In the Unites States, inspired by the success of Vin Mariani inspired other companies to produce their own drinks. 'John Pemberton’s French Coca Wine' was one of them, and after prohibition laws, the wine was replaced by a Kola nut carbonated drink that gave way to Coca-Cola. A “pinch of coca leaves” was included in John Styth Pemberton’s original 1886 recipe for Coca-Cola. The new beverage was described as a ‘valuable brain-tonic and cure for all nervous afflictions’ offering the virtues of coca without the vices of alcohol’. The drink contained 60mg of cocaine per serving until 1903.
In all these commercial processes, the colonial powers used their power to purchase processed coca leaves as raw material at very low costs. This along with the colonial biopiracy perpetrated by several countries prevented the Andean countries from benefiting economically from the commercial success of the coca plant between 1860 and 1914. By the turn of the century, in 1900, the Dutch was growing into a competitive exporter of coca leaves.
In early 20th-century Memphis, Tennessee, cocaine was sold in neighborhood drugstores on Beale Street, costing five or ten cents for a small boxful. Stevedores along the Mississippi River used the drug as a stimulant, and white employers encouraged its use by black laborers.
In 1903, the American Journal of Pharmacy stressed that most cocaine abusers were “bohemians, gamblers, high- and low-class prostitutes, night porters, bell boys, burglars, racketeers, pimps, and casual laborers.”
In 1906 the Pure Food and Drug Act act was passed in the United States.
In 1906 the Pure Food and Drug Act act was passed in the United States.
In 1909, Ernest Shackleton took “Forced March” brand cocaine tablets to Antarctica, as did Captain Scott a year later on his ill-fated journey to the South Pole.
The Coca Cola company began using decocainized leaves, with cocaine being completely eliminated from the products in or around thirteen years later, in 1929. The actual amount of cocaine that Coca-Cola contained during the first twenty years of its production is impossible to determine. The secret formula still calls for a cocaine-free coca extract produced at a Stepan Co. factory in Maywood, N.J. Stepan buys about 100 metric tons of dried Peruvian coca leaves each year, said Marco Castillo, spokesman for Peru’s state-owned National Coca Co.”
By 1912, the Dutch colony of Java became a leading exporter of coca leaf. Shipments to Amsterdam, where the leaves were processed into cocaine, reached 1 million kg, overtaking the Peruvian export market. Apart from the years of the First World War, Java remained a greater exporter of coca than Peru until the end of the 1920s. Other colonial powers also tried to grow coca (including the British in India), but with the exception of the Japanese in Formosa, these were relatively unsuccessful.
Prohibition in the US: 1914 Harrison Narcotics Tax Act
In 1914, Dr. Christopher Koch of Pennsylvania’s State Pharmacy Board testified that, “Most of the attacks upon the white women of the South are the direct result of a cocaine-crazed Negro brain.” Mass media manufactured an epidemic of cocaine use among African Americans in the Southern United States to play upon racial prejudices, though there is little evidence that such an epidemic actually took place.
In the same year, the Harrison Narcotics Tax Act outlawed the sale and distribution of cocaine in the United States. This law referred to cocaine not as a stimulant but as a narcotic, and the misclassification passed into popular culture which remains alive under the term "Narco". Although technically illegal for purposes of distribution and use, the distribution, sale and use of cocaine was still legal for registered companies and individuals.
During the mid-1940s, amidst WWII, cocaine was considered for inclusion as an ingredient of a future generation of ‘pep pills’ for the German military code named D-IX.
In 1950, the UN Commission study on coca led by Howard Fonda, a banker and President of the US Pharmaceutical Association. His study of Aymara and Quechua people (with one translator) concluded that coca chewing was the cause of poverty in the Andean countries because it lowered the capacity to work. The study included the denigration of the researched cultures as backwards. Fonda's report was ratified by the World Health Authority in 1952. President John F. Kennedy’s Alliance for Progress was proclaimed in 1961, and in the same year the United Nations’ Geneva Convention on Drugs outlawed coca "except as a flavouring agent".
Global Prohibition: 1961 Geneva Convention
The prohibition of the coca leaf has caused much harm to the Andean region and a historical correction is long overdue out of respect for the Andean culture, as well as for the sake of further conflict prevention. The rationale for including the coca leaf in the 1961 Single Convention was mainly rooted in the 1959 Report of the Commission of Inquiry on the Coca Leaf. The report was requested of the United Nations by the permanent representative of Peru that was prepared by a commission that visited Bolivia and Peru briefly in 1949.
The 1961 Geneva Convention On Drugs (which proclaimed
that the total prohibition, and therefore eradication, of chewing coca
should be completed in 25 years and made cocaine Public Enemy Number
One), had a get out clause. According to Article 27 ‘it is allowed to
plant, transport, market and possess coca leaf in the quantity necessary
for the production of flavouring agents.’ This, as Jorge Hurtado
describes, was solely in the interests of the Coca Cola Corporation.
The Vienna Conference of 1988 ratified the prohibition of the production and commercialization of coca leaves except for its traditional use.
1980 Narcofication of coca
Cocaine experience a boom by the end of the 70's and in the decade of the 80s. Consumed recreationally, it was largely "employed by the ‘financial sector’, when unrestrained, over-confident risk-taking caused an unprecedented financial crisis. (...) Its confidence-boosting quality becomes dysfunctional when combined with a ‘masters of the universe’ view of the world.”
The illegalization of cocaine and the eradication of coca leaves is connected to a development of drug cartels and zones of extreme violence in diverse jungle regions throughout Latin America. The self appointed role of the US as the guardian of the dangers that cocaine represents and the drug war has served as another platform under which it exercises a power relationship with Latin America, in control of its governments and its resources.
The new political projects that emerged in Latin America in the 2000's, along their steady extractive resources, changed the panorama. In the Andean area, specially in Ecuador and Bolivia, indigenous movements made their demands for participation in society heard. These demands were in the name of the land: against its exploitation by extraction industries, and against politics that prohibit the cultivation of the coca plant. The president of Bolivia, Evo Morales, battled in the UN for the legalization of the cultivation of coca leaves. It is ironic that in the UN, three of the countries that constantly oppose the cultivation of coca leaves are Germany, U.S., and Austria.
In 2007, Bolivia drafted a whole article dedicated to the coca plant, which was later promulgated in 2009:
Artículo 384.- El Estado protege a la coca originaria y ancestral como patrimonio cultural, recurso natural renovable de la biodiversidad de Bolivia, y como factor de cohesión social; en su estado natural no es estupefaciente. La revalorización, producción, comercialización e industrialización se regirá mediante la ley. Cuarta Parte, Título II, Capítulo Séptimo, Sección II: Coca, Nueva Constitución Política del Estado (p. 89)
Article 384.- The State shall protect the native and ancestral coca as cultural patrimony, a renewable natural resource of Bolivia's biodiversity, and as a factor of social cohesion; in its natural state it is not a drug. Its revaluing, production, commercialization, and industrialization shall be regulated by law.Fourth Part, Title II, Chapter VII, Section II: Coca, New Political Constitution of the State (p.89)
In the words of the sociologist Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui:
"Why is coca so underground, so unknown, so mistreated, so stigmatized? Why do people believe all these lies. Why can you get any drug but not coca. It is because if coca was a drug, you could get it. And I'm finding a big conspiracy against coca in the late 19th century by the pharmaceutical industry. And it is a conspiracy against people's health in general. But the conspiracy against coca was particularly mean and ill because it was a conspiracy against a people. The Indians who had been in touch with coca for millennia and have been able to use it in a variety of ways; as a mild stimulant for work, as a ritual item, as a recreational commodity that you chew in parties, in wakes, in weddings, or even as a symbol of identity and of struggle." "This has involved a misleading construction of coca as linked to subsistence, reciprocity, ritual, and tradition.
For Rivera Cusicanqui, the coca leaf "has long been important mercantile commodity whose production and circulation has contributed to the refashioning of social hierarchies, labor relations, and cultural connections in the Andean world. These transformations worked out differently over time and space, leading to remarkable variations in how coca was and is used and perceived. By looking at coca and its changing il/licitness, a complex history of subaltern agency and recolonization can be reconstructed."(Van Schendel).
Reflections
The coca plant which grows in one of the main geographic enclaves of colonialism has historically been considered by Andean peoples as a ‘giver of life and strength', a support for a hunger and fatigue and an ally in the life of resistance. In European laboratories it was reduced into one of its many alkaloids: Cocaine. This alkaloid was the door for the properties of the coca plant to be acknowledged by the colonial powers, which then alienated it for its consumption and profit. The use that the global north made of the coca plant is a paradigm of their use of the rest of nature. While Andean peoples related to Coca in a notion of total life, with political, economical, religious, and everyday life dimensions, the north transformed it into a masters of the universe drug, a performance enhancer and in a way a helpful appendix of capitalism.
Coca leaves are used particularly among the Aymara and Quechua peoples who work in farming, mining, and live in urban areas. The plant is central in social, political, cultural and economic realities of these indigenous groups, and indirectly impacts all the Andean amazonian countries where the plant grows. Overall, for Andean peoples Coca means survival, offering, protection, cure, endurance, bonding, tradition and culture.
The plant is inextricably linked to the history of mining in the Andes and thus of colonial capital accumulation.
In the 20th century, the parallel commercial processes that took place around the coca leaf led to competition between the old colonial powers and the new corporate powers. Because of this, it is not difficult to imagine that the banning on the consumption of cocaine and later on coca leaves responded to processes of resources control on one hand and the control of drugs that induce a sense of fearlessness for the racialized and the working class. Such attempts of control were there from the beginning. The Coca Museum in Bolivia writes that the persecution of its use in colonial times “marked the start of a Narco-Inquisition”.
The history of the coca plant works as a model to understand the dynamics of capitalism in relation to colonialism. But also in the history of this plant, one can see the plant-human practices, relationalities and subjectivities that were pushed out of modernity.
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Pendergast, Mark. 1996. Für Gott, Vaterland und Coca-Cola: Das unauthorisierte Geschichte der Coca-Cola-Company. Munich:Heyne.
Zaunick R. (1956). Early history of cocaine isolation: Domitzer pharmacist Friedrich Gaedcke (1828–1890); contribution to Mecklenburg pharmaceutical history”.
Castro de la Mata, Ramiro. La coca en la obra de Guamán Poma de Ayala. 1977.
Gagliano, ]oseph A. (1978); “La Medicina popular y la coca en e! Perú: Un análisis histórico de actitudes”. América Indígena 38: 789-805
Granier-Doyeux, Marcel Y Gonzales-Carrero, Alfredo (1979); Farmacodependencia, Caracas.
Romano, Ruggiero (1982). Alrededor de dos falsas actuaciones: coca buena cocaína buena; cocaína mala coca mala” Allpanchis 19: 237-252.
Van Dyke, Graig y Byck, Robert (1982). “Cocaine”. Scientific American. 246: 128-141.
Parkerson, Phillips T. (1984). “El Monopolio Incaico de la Coca: ¿Realidad o ficción legal?”. Historia y Cultura 5: 1-27.
Plowman, Timothy (1984); “The Origen, Evolution, and Diffusion of Coca. Erythroxylum spp., in South and Central América” en: Stone D. Ed. Pre Columbian Plant Migration. Papers of the Peabody Museum of Archaeology)’ and Ethnology 76: 125-163.
Castro de la Mata, Ramiro. Capítulos de la historia de la coca ayer y hoy. 1987.
MAY D, Clifford. How Coca-Cola Obtains Its Coca. New York Times. Published: July 1, 1988.
MacDonald, Scott B. Mountain High, White Avalanche: Cocaine and Power in the Andean States and Panama (The Washington Papers) 1989.
Cummins, John. Columbus: Columbus’ Own Journal of Discovery (newly restored and translated). St. Martin’ 1992.
Kohn, Marek. Cocaine Girls. Lawrence and Wishart 1992 p.106.
Schweer, Thomas und Strasser, Hermann. Cocas Fluch. Die gesellschaftliche Karriere des Kokains. 1994. p. 205.
Clawson, Patrick L. The Andean cocaine industry. 1996.
Dagnino Sepúlveda, Jorge. De la Coca a la Cocaína. Ars Médica.
2000
Madge, Tim. White mischief. 2001.
Streatfeild, Dominic. Cocaine: An Unauthorized Biography. 2002.
Rivera Cusicanqui, Silvia. Las fronteras de la coca: epistemologías coloniales y circuitos alternativos de la hoja de coca: el caso de la frontera boliviano-argentina. Editor IDIS, 198 pp. 2003.
Henman, Anthony. La Coca como Planta Maestra. 2005.
Rälsch, Christian. The Encyclopedia of Psychoactive Plants: Ethnopharmacology and its Applications. 2005.
Taussig, Michael. My Cocaine Museum. 2006 336 S.
Topik, Steven. From silver to cocaine. Latin American commodity chains and the building of the world economy 1500 -2000. 2006.
Rivera Cusicanqui, Silvia. La Hoja de Coca en Tiempos de su Globalización. 2007.
Rivera Cusicanqui, Silvia. An Indigenous Community and its Paradoxes. 2007.
Gootenberg, Paul. Andean Cocaine. The Making of a Global Drug. 2008.
Allen, Christian M. An Industrial Geography of Cocaine 2009.
Feiling, Tom. The Candy Machine: How Cocaine Took Over the World 2009.
Jorge Hinderer, Max; Hurtado, Jorge and Barker John. The long memory of Cocaine. 2010.
Jorge Hinderer, Max. Coca is not Cocaine and viceversa. 2010.
Hurtado Gumucio, Jorge. Cocaine the Legend. 2010.
Barker, John. From Coca to Capital: Free Trade Cocaine. 2010.
Rivera Cusicanqui, Silvia. “Las estrategias de lo ilegal son lo que hay que pensar, porque lo que está equivocado son las fronteras, se está viviendo es una reedición del mercado interior potosino del siglo xvi, la primera modernidad de la mano de la coca, la plata y las mujeres indígenas”. 2011.
Cortes, Ricardo. A Secret History of Coffee, Coca Cola. 2012.
Transnational Institute - Coca Myths
http://www.novara-expedition.org
http://www.scribd.com/doc/176761244/Andean-Cocaine
http://www.eurosur.org/COCA/c6documento1.htm
http://www.eurosur.org/COCA/c2documento2.htm
http://thenonist.com/index.php/thenonist/permalink/vin_mariani/
http://www.druglibrary.org/schaffer/history/negro_cocaine_fiends.htm
http://query.nytimes.com/mem/archive-free/pdf?res=F60B14F7345F13738DDDA10894DA405B848DF1D3
http://www.thenation.com/article/178158/how-myth-negro-cocaine-fiend-helped-shape-american-drug-policy
http://www.euvs.org/en/discover/man-behind-the-bottle/mariani
http://www.shmoop.com/drugs-america/timeline.html
http://escuela.med.puc.cl/publ/arsmedica/arsmedica7/art02.html
http://www.museodelacoca.com
1500
Colón, Cristobal. Diario de Navegación. Transcrito por Fray Bartolomé de las Casas, en Femández de Navarrete. Viajes de Cristóbal Colón. Espasa-Calpe, Madrid 1922.
Pane, Fray Ramón (1498); “Relación de Fray Ramón acerca de las antigüedades de los indios, las cuales, con diligencia, como hombre que sabe el idioma de éstos, recogió por mandato del Almirante” en Colón, Hernando. Historia del Almirante. pp. 205-229.
Vespuccio, Americo. Mundus Novus (1503
Vespucio, Américo (1504), “Carta a Pier Soderini” en Leviller, Roberto. América la bien llamada Vol. I, pp. 268-278. Ed. Guillermo Kraft. Bs. Aires, 1948.
Vespucio, Américo (1507); “Las cuatro navegaciones” en Fernández de Navarrete, M. Viajes de Américo Vespucio. Calpe, Madrid. 1923.
Martir De Anglerla, Pedro (1516-1530); Décadas del Nuevo Mundo. Editorial Bajel, Buenos Aires 1944.
Valverde, Fray Vicente de, (1539); “Fray Vicente de Valverde al Emperador”, Cuzco 20 de Marzo de 1539, en Porras Barrenechea, Raúl. Cartas del Perú. Sociedad de Bibliófilos Peruanos. Lima, 1959. pp. 311-335.
Cieza de León. Pedro. Crónica del Perú. 1541-1553
Hernandez De Oviedo Y Valdes, Gonzalo (1547); Historia General y Natural de las Indias. Edición de Juan Pérez de Tudela. 5 Vol. Biblioteca de Autores Españoles. Ed. Atlas Madrid. 1959.
Vaca De Castro, Cristóbal (1542); “El licenciado Vaca de Castro al Emperador” Cuzco 24 de Noviembre de 1542, en Porras Barrenechea, Raúl. Cartas del Perú. Sociedad de Bibliófilos Peruanos. Lima, 1959, pp.496-51O.
Las Casas, Fray Bartolomé de, (1550); Apologética Historia Sumaria. O’Gorman,’ E. editor. Inst. Investigaciones Históricas, México, 1967.
Las Casas, Fray Bartolomé de. (1552) Brevísima relación de la destrucción de las Indias.
Lopez de Gomara (1552); Historia Victrix. Primera y Segunda Parte de la Historia General de las Indias, en Historiadores Primitivos de Indias. Biblioteca de Autores Españoles. Ed. Atlas. Madrid 1946.Las Casas, Fray Bartolomé de, (1561); Historia de las Indias. Fondo de Cultura Económica. México, 1951.
De Acosta, Jose. The Naturall and Moral Historie of the West Indies (ca. 1570) “The Ingua are said to have used coca as an exquisite an regal thing which they most often used in their offering by burning it in honor of their gods.”
Monardes, Nicolas. Historia medicinal de las cosas que se traen de nuestras Indias Occidentales. (John Framton: Ioyfull newes out of the newe founde worlde 1577) 1565
Colon, Hernando (1571); Historia del Signordon Fernando Colombo Fco. Senese, Venecia. Historia del Almirante, Edición de Luis Arrauz, Historia 16. Madrid 1984.
1600
Garcilaso de la Vega, Inca. Comentarios Reales (1606)
Poma, Waman. Nueva Coronica de Gobierno (1615)
Garcilaso de la Vega, Inca. Historia General del Perú (1617)
Simon, Fray Pedro (1626); Primera parte de las noticias historiales de las conquistas de tierra firme en las indias occidentales. Casa de Domingo de la Iglesia. Cuenca.
Calancha, de la Fr. Augusting: Coronica moralizada de la Orden de San Augustin en el Peru; Barcelona, 1639.
1700
Unanue, Hipólito. Sobre el cultivo, comercio y virtudes de la famosa planta del Perú nombrada coca. El Mercurio Peruano de Lima. 1794.
1800
Von Tschudi, JJ. Peru. Reiseskissen aus den Jahren 1838-1842. von Scheitlin und Zollikofer: St. Galen, 1846.
Mantegazza, Paolo. Sulle virtù igieniche e medicinali della coca e sugli alimenti nervosi in generale (“On the hygienic and medicinal properties of coca and on nervine nourishment in general”) 1858
Gaedcke, Friedrich (1855). Ueber das Erythroxylin, dargestellt aus den Blättern des in Südamerika cultivierten Strauches Erythroxylon Coca Lam. Archiv der Pharmazie 132: 141–150.
Freud, Sigmund. Über Coca. (1884).
Ernst, M. (1888); “De l’emploi de la coca dans les pays septentrionaux de I’Amérique du Sud”. Congrés des Americanistes. Berlin.
Burck, Dr.: (Buitenzorg, Java), Coca Plants in Cultivation; Pharmaceutical Journal and Transactions (3 s.), XXII; pp. 817- 848; London, 1892.
1900
Golden, Mortimer. History of coca, “the divine plant” of the Incas; with an introductory account of the Incas, and of the Andean Indians of to-day. (1901).
Valdizán, Hermilio, (1913); “El cocaismo y la raza indígena”. La crónica médica. 30: 263-275.
Vinelli, Manuel A. (1918); Contribución al estudio de la coca. Tesis pará optar el Grado de Doctor en Ciencias Naturales. Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos.
Bues, C (1935); “La Coca en el Perú”. Ministerio de Fomento. Lima, Perú 5: 3-72.
Buhler, A. (1946): “Datos de investigación acerca ‘del uso de la coca”. Actas Ciba 4:107-114.
Gutierrez-Norlega, Carlos (1948); “El cocaismo y la alimentación en el Perú”. Facultad de Medicina 31: 1-90.
Report of the Commision of Enquiry on the Coca Leaf, UN (1950).
Pendergast, Mark. 1996. Für Gott, Vaterland und Coca-Cola: Das unauthorisierte Geschichte der Coca-Cola-Company. Munich:Heyne.
Zaunick R. (1956). Early history of cocaine isolation: Domitzer pharmacist Friedrich Gaedcke (1828–1890); contribution to Mecklenburg pharmaceutical history”.
Castro de la Mata, Ramiro. La coca en la obra de Guamán Poma de Ayala. 1977.
Gagliano, ]oseph A. (1978); “La Medicina popular y la coca en e! Perú: Un análisis histórico de actitudes”. América Indígena 38: 789-805
Granier-Doyeux, Marcel Y Gonzales-Carrero, Alfredo (1979); Farmacodependencia, Caracas.
Romano, Ruggiero (1982). Alrededor de dos falsas actuaciones: coca buena cocaína buena; cocaína mala coca mala” Allpanchis 19: 237-252.
Van Dyke, Graig y Byck, Robert (1982). “Cocaine”. Scientific American. 246: 128-141.
Parkerson, Phillips T. (1984). “El Monopolio Incaico de la Coca: ¿Realidad o ficción legal?”. Historia y Cultura 5: 1-27.
Plowman, Timothy (1984); “The Origen, Evolution, and Diffusion of Coca. Erythroxylum spp., in South and Central América” en: Stone D. Ed. Pre Columbian Plant Migration. Papers of the Peabody Museum of Archaeology)’ and Ethnology 76: 125-163.
Castro de la Mata, Ramiro. Capítulos de la historia de la coca ayer y hoy. 1987.
MAY D, Clifford. How Coca-Cola Obtains Its Coca. New York Times. Published: July 1, 1988.
MacDonald, Scott B. Mountain High, White Avalanche: Cocaine and Power in the Andean States and Panama (The Washington Papers) 1989.
Cummins, John. Columbus: Columbus’ Own Journal of Discovery (newly restored and translated). St. Martin’ 1992.
Kohn, Marek. Cocaine Girls. Lawrence and Wishart 1992 p.106.
Schweer, Thomas und Strasser, Hermann. Cocas Fluch. Die gesellschaftliche Karriere des Kokains. 1994. p. 205.
Clawson, Patrick L. The Andean cocaine industry. 1996.
Dagnino Sepúlveda, Jorge. De la Coca a la Cocaína. Ars Médica.
2000
Madge, Tim. White mischief. 2001.
Streatfeild, Dominic. Cocaine: An Unauthorized Biography. 2002.
Rivera Cusicanqui, Silvia. Las fronteras de la coca: epistemologías coloniales y circuitos alternativos de la hoja de coca: el caso de la frontera boliviano-argentina. Editor IDIS, 198 pp. 2003.
Henman, Anthony. La Coca como Planta Maestra. 2005.
Rälsch, Christian. The Encyclopedia of Psychoactive Plants: Ethnopharmacology and its Applications. 2005.
Taussig, Michael. My Cocaine Museum. 2006 336 S.
Topik, Steven. From silver to cocaine. Latin American commodity chains and the building of the world economy 1500 -2000. 2006.
Rivera Cusicanqui, Silvia. La Hoja de Coca en Tiempos de su Globalización. 2007.
Rivera Cusicanqui, Silvia. An Indigenous Community and its Paradoxes. 2007.
Gootenberg, Paul. Andean Cocaine. The Making of a Global Drug. 2008.
Allen, Christian M. An Industrial Geography of Cocaine 2009.
Feiling, Tom. The Candy Machine: How Cocaine Took Over the World 2009.
Jorge Hinderer, Max; Hurtado, Jorge and Barker John. The long memory of Cocaine. 2010.
Jorge Hinderer, Max. Coca is not Cocaine and viceversa. 2010.
Hurtado Gumucio, Jorge. Cocaine the Legend. 2010.
Barker, John. From Coca to Capital: Free Trade Cocaine. 2010.
Rivera Cusicanqui, Silvia. “Las estrategias de lo ilegal son lo que hay que pensar, porque lo que está equivocado son las fronteras, se está viviendo es una reedición del mercado interior potosino del siglo xvi, la primera modernidad de la mano de la coca, la plata y las mujeres indígenas”. 2011.
Cortes, Ricardo. A Secret History of Coffee, Coca Cola. 2012.
Jeremy Scott, Natalia Nash. Coke: The Biography. 2013.
Transnational Institute - Coca Myths
http://www.novara-expedition.org
http://www.scribd.com/doc/176761244/Andean-Cocaine
http://www.eurosur.org/COCA/c6documento1.htm
http://www.eurosur.org/COCA/c2documento2.htm
http://thenonist.com/index.php/thenonist/permalink/vin_mariani/
http://www.druglibrary.org/schaffer/history/negro_cocaine_fiends.htm
http://query.nytimes.com/mem/archive-free/pdf?res=F60B14F7345F13738DDDA10894DA405B848DF1D3
http://www.thenation.com/article/178158/how-myth-negro-cocaine-fiend-helped-shape-american-drug-policy
http://www.euvs.org/en/discover/man-behind-the-bottle/mariani
http://www.shmoop.com/drugs-america/timeline.html
http://escuela.med.puc.cl/publ/arsmedica/arsmedica7/art02.html
http://www.museodelacoca.com